For philanthropies and others engaged in the fight against climate change, the current moment is cause for both optimism and concern. Thanks to decades of intensive research, innovation, and campaigning, the world now has most of the technology it needs to wean itself off fossil fuels and achieve carbon neutrality by mid-century.

Unfortunately, for every technical hurdle we clear, a new political one seems to replace it.

Climate action is increasingly prominent in elections worldwide. But it is also becoming more divisive. Concerns over potential costs and lifestyle changes entailed by the net zero transition are fuelling a backlash among some constituencies, leading certain countries and regions to scale back or abandon climate policies. In doing so, they risk missing out on the significant economic and broader benefits of the global shift to clean energy.

As the renowned climate scientist Michael Mann puts it, the obstacles to stopping climate change are no longer ‘physical, they are political’. This reality pulls philanthropies into the political sphere – not to drive a partisan agenda, but to advocate for climate policies that are fair and inclusive. We cannot view this crisis as merely a technical issue solvable with technology and economic incentives alone. For the transition to be politically sustainable, it must be people-focused and equitable. We must champion this loudly.

The importance of being political

Hesitancy to take part in anything that could be described as politics is understandable. In some countries, such as the US, nonprofits are legally prevented from taking sides in elections. Nor should we want to – philanthropies exist to serve the greater societal good, not to further partisan agendas. Our effectiveness relies on being able to work across the mainstream political spectrum. Ensuring a habitable planet for current and future generations is as much a ‘conservative’ value as it is a ‘liberal’ one.

But being non-partisan doesn’t mean ignoring the many political challenges in addressing climate change. Political feasibility is crucial for the success of any emissions-reduction initiative. As such, it must be a key consideration in our grant-making decisions and strategies. To build and sustain a democratic mandate for climate action, we must invest in political solutions as well as technological ones.

Equity is key

In part, we have a communications challenge. We can still do a better job of demonstrating how the transition will help people to lead healthier, safer and more prosperous lives. This means sharing a vision that resonates emotionally, appeals to people’s aspirations and values, and is feasible and believable.

But improving the narrative will only get us so far.

Opinion polls consistently show that people care about climate change: a recent survey of 130,000 people across 125 countries found nine out of 10 want intensified political action. But many doubt the fairness of the transition. In France, 79 percent believe ‘it is the poorest who pay for the climate and energy crisis while it is the richest who are responsible for it’. Regressive climate policies, especially when combined with record wealth inequality and carbon footprint disparities, are a recipe for political disaster.

There is a lot we can do to promote fair transition policies. Think tanks like the UK’s Resolution Foundation and Germany’s new Zunkunft KlimaSocial excel in analysing how climate policies affect low- and middle-income households, linking climate and social justice. By supporting such organisations, we can help policymakers grasp the distributional impacts of climate action.

We must make social impact assessments a routine part of our policy advocacy. Waiting until after a policy is secured is too late. By then, the damage is done, and public trust is already lost. Even well-intentioned policies can collapse if they overlook social equity. In 2023, Germany’s proposed gas-fired boiler ban, although technically sound and environmentally beneficial, was ultimately watered down because it failed to address people’s legitimate concerns about how they would afford the upfront costs of installing heat pumps.

Marrying climate policy with equity is essential for building the broad-based support necessary for ambitious climate programmes. The US Inflation Reduction Act allocates significant funding to reduce pollution in low-income and historically marginalised communities and to clean energy projects that create local jobs. This inclusive approach – tackling local environmental issues while ensuring that the benefits of the transition are shared widely – was critical to the IRA gaining the widespread backing that got it through Congress.

This strategy is even more important in developing countries, where governments rightly prioritise raising living standards and reducing poverty. For instance, Brazil’s government is embracing the potential for ambitious climate action to spur growth while closing inequalities. This owes in no small part to the superb work of the Institute for Climate and Society in making the case for climate policies that allow Brazil to cut its emissions while helping poorer households.

Levelling the playing field

The status quo does not maintain itself by accident. Fossil fuel interests have woven themselves into the fabric of political power, and many are not afraid to use underhand tactics, like spreading disinformation to keep the system tilted in their favour. They profit massively from the current paradigm (supported by $7 trillion per year in state subsidies) while the rest of society bears the brunt of the environmental and social costs. The defence of the status quo is fundamentally a defence of an unfair political arrangement, and any viable strategy for change must account for this.

Citizen participation is vital to levelling the political playing field. It is a cruel irony that those most affected by environmental damage and climate change are often the least represented in policymaking. There are inspiring leaders working tirelessly to organise and amplify their communities’ voices. Take Banlieues Climat, a grassroots initiative supported by philanthropy that tackles climate and socio-economic injustice in poorer, often marginalised French suburbs. By providing training and resources to groups like these, especially when they’re starting out, philanthropy can help them to maximise their impact.

We can also help to improve how the debate is conducted. Political polarisation and a more aggressive discourse are not unique to climate issues, but we have a strong interest in pioneering new approaches that ‘take the sting’ out of the discussion. As the growing popularity of citizens’ assemblies’ shows, when communities are trusted and empowered to address issues affecting them, they tend to confound the cynics. For instance, Poland’s 2022 citizens’ assembly on energy poverty was widely seen as a success and its recommendations were largely reflected in the programme of the new coalition government.

Philanthropies have already successfully supported ‘democratic innovations’, like the EUDEMON project in Spain, which uses dialogue to resolve conflicts over renewable projects within local communities. The challenge for philanthropy is to leverage our central position in the climate ecosystem to spread knowledge and replicate these local successes on a larger scale.

Elections matter

Ultimately, elections are still the main game in town and the single most important determinant of the trajectory of climate action. Our work is particularly vulnerable to political shifts; a strategy effective under one election outcome may be ineffective under another. Given the long lead time for grants, having contingency plans for all possible scenarios before an election is crucial to avoid post-election scrambles. A deeper understanding of election impacts also allows us to take calculated risks with greater confidence. Many foundations and NGOs are now incorporating strategic foresight and horizon scanning – practices common in corporations – into their planning. This approach needs to become more widespread.

Stand up for civil society

This summer, some of the parties in France’s New Popular Front alliance, which secured the most seats in the July snap election, approached me to be their nominee for Prime Minister. Although it did not work out in the end, the experience was eye-opening. I saw firsthand how many politicians underestimate civil society organisations. Too often, they are viewed as supportive but secondary players in the political system.

This outdated mindset fails to recognise that real progress comes not just from elite-level discussions behind closed doors, but from the grassroots energy and diverse voices that civil society brings to the table. Civil society is the bridge between citizens and the policy decisions that shape their lives, making it indispensable in fostering genuine democratic change. The tendency to undervalue these groups reflects a deeper issue – a troubling disconnect between politicians and the people they serve.

In many countries, civil society is not just undervalued, but actively threatened. Philanthropies and NGOs are coming under growing pressure and face new legal restrictions as part of a deliberate squeezing of space for civil society. This concerning trend is even evident in developed countries like the UK, where recent laws have significantly restricted rights to stage public protests. We cannot afford to be complacent about this or the broader retreat of democracy around the world. Those of us committed to tackling climate change must join forces with other causes to defend our collective right to work for a better future.

Ultimately, philanthropy must recognise and embrace its critical political role. Rather than shying away from the politics of climate action, it can be a unifying force that bridges divides, fosters dialogue, and advocates for equitable solutions. Our great strength is our ability to bring communities together, to achieve the best outcomes for people and the planet.

Laurence Tubiana is CEO of the European Climate Foundation.