On the morning of August 2nd, during a breakout session titled ‘Whoever Funds Your Movement Owns It and Why It Matters’ organised by the Global Fund for Community Foundations at the 5th African Philanthropy Conference in Zimbabwe, we received distressing news about pro-democracy advocate Namatai Kwekweza, the first recipient of the Kofi Annan NextGen Democracy Prize in 2023.

Two days prior, Kwekweza and two other activists were en route from Harare to Victoria Falls to attend the conference when they were forcibly removed from their plane by Zimbabwean police and taken to an undisclosed location for questioning. Reports from their lawyers that morning detailed brutal beatings inflicted by the police. The official charge against them was ‘disorderly conduct’ for allegedly protesting outside a court in June over the arrest of dozens of opposition supporters. The arrest occurred on the eve of another high-profile international summit in the country, with authorities justifying their actions by claiming the activists were likely to abscond, commit other offences, and cause public unrest.

This news set a sobering tone for the morning’s discussion on social movements in Africa and the nature of democracy-building work for activists exercising their rights to peacefully petition their governments and express grievances. The conversation also underscored the importance of local funding for such social movements. The prevailing international narrative suggests that social movements in Africa are predominantly funded by foreign aid, which overlooks local efforts, agency, and autonomy, portraying these movements as passive recipients rather than active co-funders of their struggles.

For example, during the June and July protests in Kenya against the Finance Bill, over Sh31 million was donated by nearly 40,000 people through M-Changa. Similarly, the #EndSARS protests in Nigeria against police brutality in 2020 raised over N14 million within 24 hours from local donors, led prominently by local groups and women. These funds were primarily used to cover hospital bills, legal fees, and funeral expenses resulting from the state’s violent response to the protests. Had these protests waited for international funding, the suffering inflicted by the state could have been prolonged. Experiences from Kenya and other social movements across the continent demonstrate that human rights organisations and activists often rely on each other for compassion, solidarity, and funding, especially those operating outside mainstream human rights frameworks.

With this context, the three panelists for the session—Omolara Oriye from Liberation Alliance Africa (Nigeria), Ntombi Mcoyi from Africa Unite (South Africa), and Emmanuel Waisa from Civil Collective (Uganda)—delved into the complexities of social movements on the continent and the critical need to build alternative narratives around their funding. The discussion began with an analysis of the current state of social movements, drawing examples from Kenya, Uganda, South Africa, and Nigeria. It was recognised that the roots of many social movements stem from struggles against imperialism and the quest for recognition of marginalised groups.

The conversation also highlighted issues of fear and power dynamics within social movements. A key strategy discussed was decentralising power through local funding as a means of protection. This led to questions about legitimacy, particularly concerning African governments. Oriye posed, ‘Who really controls African governments when even they don’t have legitimacy? When governments say they don’t want to be overthrown, whose interests are they protecting?’ Funding movements within communities becomes a political act centered on self-determination and liberation.

Waisa questioned whether the focus should be on funding social movements or institutions, stating, ‘People going out to protest don’t need funding (at least not initially). Funding becomes necessary when these movements become institutionalised.’ In a social media post he authored, Waisa pondered if external funding might be hindering better outcomes for social movements, suggesting that such funding should serve only as a facilitator for existing grassroots efforts, not a replacement for community-led initiatives. Oriye emphasised the need for critical consciousness-raising alongside funding, advocating for support mechanisms that empower communities to define their own paths to liberation. Mcoyi added, ‘It’s about a collective heart change that needs to happen first for transformation to occur.’ The panelists also cautioned against the ‘professionalisation’ of activism, noting that overemphasis on professional identities can marginalise the very communities these movements aim to serve.

The session prompted profound reflection among both the panelists and conference participants. During the Q&A segment, attendees discussed what it would take to build a better Africa, the rejection of a singular common struggle, the importance of organic, bottom-up approaches for successful social movements, the applicability of current democratic models in Africa, and the necessity of transition plans from social movements to formal institutions. A consensus emerged that when communities organise around issues significant to them, community philanthropy serves as a vital tool for uniting people. Ultimately, regardless of the questions posed, the answer consistently pointed back to the power and importance of community.

Ese Emerhi is the Sub-Sahara Africa Regional Representative for Alliance magazine